The Challenge of Democracy: Government in America
Author: Kenneth Janda
This complete introduction to American government offers a comprehensive program that integrates the core text with supporting materials to benefit both students and instructors. The Eighth Edition maintains the highly acclaimed, non-ideological framework, exploring three themes: freedom, order, and equality as political values; the majoritarianism v. pluralism debate; and the effect of globalization on U.S. politics.
- Brief callouts in the text inform students of Talking Politics audio clips on the accompanying web site and the instructor and student CDs. Follow-up questions encourage students to think about what they hear and can be answered online and submitted to instructors via email.
- The Looking to the Future feature invites students to consider trends in American government and then consider the implications of their answers.
- Politics in a Changing World focuses on the effect of globalization on American government.
- Can You Explain Why? features ask students to use critical-thinking skills to try and explain a political paradox, such as why Americans engage in more forms of political participation than people of other nationalities, yet don't vote as much.
- Compared with What? boxes in every chapter ask students to evaluate facets of the U.S. political system as compared to those of other countries.
Table of Contents:
ContentsNote: Each chapter concludes with a Summary.
- I. Dilemmas of Democracy
- 1. Freedom, Order, or Equality?
- The Globalization of American Government
- The Purposes of Government
- A Conceptual Framework for Analyzing Government
- The Concepts of Freedom, Order, and Equality
- Two Dilemmas of Government
- Ideology and the Scope of Government
- American Political Ideologies and the Purpose of Government
- 2. Majoritarian or Pluralist Democracy?
- The Theory of Democratic Government
- Institutional Models of Democracy
- Democracy and Globalization
- II. Foundations of American Government
- 3. The Constitution
- The Revolutionary Roots of the Constitution
- From Revolution to Confederation
- From Confederation to Constitution
- The Final Product
- Selling the Constitution
- Constitutional Change
- An Evaluation of the Constitution
- 4. Federalism
- Theories and Metaphors
- Federalism's Dynamics
- Ideology, Policymaking, and American Federalism
- Federalism and Electoral Politics
- Federalism and the American Intergovernmental System
- Federalism and the International System
- Federalism and Pluralism
- III. Linking People with Government
- 5. Public Opinion and Political Socialization
- Public Opinion and the Models of Democracy
- The Distribution of Public Opinion
- Political Socialization
- Social Groups and Political Values
- From Values to Ideology
- The Process of Forming Political Opinions
- 6. The Media
- People, Government, and Communications
- The Development of the Mass Media in the United States
- Private Ownership of the Media
- Government Regulation of the Media
- Functions of the MassMedia for the Political System
- Evaluating the Media in Government
- 7. Participation and Voting
- Democracy and Political Participation
- Unconventional Participation
- Conventional Participation
- Participating Through Voting
- Explaining Political Participation
- Participation and Freedom, Equality, and Order
- Participation and the Models of Democracy
- 8. Political Parties
- Political Parties and Their Functions
- A History of U.S. Party Politics
- The American Two-Party System
- Party Ideology and Organization
- The Model of Responsible Party Government
- 9. Nominations, Elections, and Campaigns
- The Evolution of Campaigning
- Nominations
- Elections
- Campaigns
- Explaining Voting Choice
- Campaigns, Elections, and Parties
- 10. Interest Groups
- Interest Groups and the American Political Tradition
- How Interest Groups Form
- Interest Group Resources
- Lobbying Tactics
- Is the System Biased?
- IV. Institutions of Government
- 11. Congress
- The Origin and Powers of Congress
- Electing Congress
- How Issues Get on the Congressional Agenda
- The Dance of Legislation: An Overview
- Committees: The Workhorses of Congress
- Leaders and Followers in Congress
- The Legislative Environment
- The Dilemma of Representation
- Pluralism, Majoritarianism, and Democracy
- 12. The Presidency
- The Constitutional Basis of Presidential Power
- The Expansion of Presidential Power
- The Executive Branch Establishment
- Presidential Leadership
- The President as National Leader
- The President as World Leader
- 13. The Bureaucracy
- Organization Matters
- The Development of the Bureaucratic State
- Bureaus and Bureaucrats
- Administrative Policymaking: The Formal Processes
- Administrative Policymaking: Informal Politics
- Problems in Implementing Policy
- Reforming the Bureaucracy: More Control or Less?
- 14. The Courts
- National Judicial Supremacy
- The Organization of Courts
- The Supreme Court
- Judicial Recruitment
- The Consequences of Judicial Decisions
- The Courts and Models of Democracy
- V. Civil Liberties and Civil Rights
- 15. Order and Civil Liberties
- The Bill of Rights
- Freedom of Religion
- Freedom of Expression
- The Right to Bear Arms
- Applying the Bill of Rights to the States
- The Ninth Amendment and Personal Autonomy
- 16. Equality and Civil Rights
- Two Conceptions of Equality
- The Civil War Amendments
- The Dismantling of School Segregation
- The Civil Rights Movement
- Civil Rights for Other Minorities
- Gender and Equal Rights: The Women's Movement
- Affirmative Action: Equal Opportunity or Equal Outcome?
- VI. Making Public Policy
- 17. Policymaking
- Government Purposes and Public Policies
- The Policymaking Process
- Fragmentation and Coordination
- The Nonprofit Sector
- 18. Economic Policy
- Theories of Economic Policy
- Public Policy and the Budget
- Tax Policies
- Spending Policies
- Taxing, Spending, and Economic Equality
- 19. Domestic Policy
- The Development of the American Welfare State
- Social Security
- Public Assistance
- Health Care
- Elementary and Secondary Education
- Benefits and Fairness
- 20. Global Policy
- Making Foreign Policy: The Constitutional Context
- Making Foreign Policy: Organization and Cast
- A Review of U.S. Foreign Policy
- Global Policy Issue Areas
- The Public and Global Policy
- Appendix
- The Declaration of Independence
- Articles of Confederation
- The Constitution of the United States of America
- Federalist No. 10 (1787)
- Federalist No. 51 (1788)
- Presidents of the United States
- Justices of the Supreme Court Since 1900
- Party Control of the Presidency, Senate, and House of Representatives 19012005
- The Globalization of American Government
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The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad
Author: Fareed Zakaria
Liberty and Democracy. The two go hand in hand in popular thinking, fused by more than two hundred years of U.S. history. More democracy means more freedom. Or does it? At a time when democracy is transcendent, the one political system whose legitimacy is unquestioned, this deeply important book points out the tensions between democracy and freedom. It ranges widely through the past and present to remind us that we can have too much of a good thing. Take American democracy, in many peoples' minds the model for the rest of the world. Fareed Zakaria points out that the American form of democracy is one of the least democratic in use today. Members of the Supreme Court and the Federal Reserve -- institutions that fundamentally shape our lives -- are appointed, not elected. The Bill of Rights enumerates a set of privileges to which citizens are entitled no matter what the majority says. By restricting our democracy, we enhance our freedom. Nonetheless, we fall into the mistake of thinking, both at home and abroad, that the answer to our problems is always more democracy. But look at the post-Watergate reforms, which opened up politics. They brought into the halls of Congress not the voice of the people but the cries of special interests, well-organized minorities, and money. American government today is more democratic than ever before -- and also more dysfunctional. Abroad, the problem is that the spread of democracy has not produced a corresponding growth of liberty. We are seeing in many parts of the world, from Russia to Venezuela to the Palestinian Authority, a strange creature -- the elected autocrat. In the Arab world in particular we see societies trapped between repressive dictatorships and fanatical masses. Is there a way out? There is. Zakaria calls for a restoration of the balance between liberty and democracy and shows how liberal democracy has to be made effective and relevant for our times. Woodrow Wilson said the challenge of the twentieth century w
The New York Times
The Future of Freedom, however, is no polemic against elections. Rather, it is a calm antidote to the fervency of those who want to force elections down the throat of every society, no matter what its particular circumstances and historical experience. As any foreign correspondent knows, there are all kinds and gradations of dictators. Saddam Hussein cannot be compared to Gen. Pervez Musharraf, whose coup in Pakistan in 1999 led to an attempt at "radical political, social, educational and economic reform" that no elected politician would have dared. Nor can Lee Kuan Yew, who wrought an economic miracle in Singapore, be compared to another dictator, Robert Mugabe, whose thuggery and incompetency have brought Zimbabwe to the brink of famine and bankruptcy. Mr. Zakaria, far from extolling dictatorship, usefully reminds us of a complicated world that cannot be depicted as a Manichean divide between democratic and authoritarian. — Robert D. Kaplan
The Washington Post
The Future of Freedom s a work of tremendous originality and insight. — Timothy Noah
The New York Times Sunday Book Review
In his brave and ambitious book, Fareed Zakaria has updated Tocqueville. The Future of Freedom is brave because its central conclusion — that liberty is threatened by an excess of democracy — is deeply unfashionable and easily misrepresented. — Niall Ferguson
Publishers Weekly
Democracy is not inherently good, Zakaria (From Wealth to Power) tells us in his thought-provoking and timely second book. It works in some situations and not others, and needs strong limits to function properly. The editor of Newsweek International and former managing editor of Foreign Affairs takes us on a tour of democracy's deficiencies, beginning with the reminder that in 1933 Germans elected the Nazis. While most Western governments are both democratic and liberal-i.e., characterized by the rule of law, a separation of powers, and the protection of basic rights-the two don't necessarily go hand in hand. Zakaria praises countries like Singapore, Chile and Mexico for liberalizing their economies first and then their political systems, and compares them to other Third World countries "that proclaimed themselves democracies immediately after their independence, while they were poor and unstable, [but] became dictatorships within a decade." But Zakaria contends that something has also gone wrong with democracy in America, which has descended into "a simple-minded populism that values popularity and openness." The solution, Zakaria says, is more appointed bodies, like the World Trade Organization and the U.S. Supreme Court, which are effective precisely because they are insulated from political pressures. Zakaria provides a much-needed intellectual framework for many current foreign policy dilemmas, arguing that the United States should support a liberalizing dictator like Pakistan's Pervez Musharraf, be wary of an elected "thug" like Venezuela's Hugo Chavez and take care to remake Afghanistan and Iraq into societies that are not merely democratic but free. (Apr.) Forecast: Zakaria has a weekly platform as a Newsweek columnist and high visibility as an analyst for ABC News. Reviews are guaranteed, and the controversial nature of Zakaria's thesis should encourage debate in the media. Copyright 2003 Cahners Business Information.
Foreign Affairs
The U.S. State Department has a Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor whose purpose is to "promote democracy as a means to achieve security, stability, and prosperity for the entire world" and "identify and denounce regimes that deny their citizens the right to choose their leaders in elections that are free, fair, and transparent." The Bush administration has already promised to bring democracy to Iraq after Saddam Hussein is ousted. And Americans regularly condemn China for being undemocratic and praise Russia for its democratic advances. Democracy is the way Americans distinguish the good guys from the bad, those regimes worth supporting from those not, and it is the first remedy prescribed for any country whose practices are disliked. But Fareed Zakaria, editor and columnist at Newsweek International, argues in The Future of Freedom that many developing societies initially fare best under what he calls "liberal authoritarian regimes," and that "what we need in [American] politics today is not more democracy but less."
Zakaria's provocative and wide-ranging book is eminently worth reading. If not entirely persuasive when dealing with contemporary American politics, he is correct that Americans' obsession with electoral democracy has clouded their understanding of countries such as Russia, China, and South Korea and led at times to disastrous policy choices. This case has been made before, but never as simply and clearly. His book displays a kind of argumentation, grounded in history and political philosophy, of which there is precious little these days, particularly among opinion columnists.
Library Journal
Newsweek International's editor exposes the down side of democracy, i.e., the assumption that what's popular is right. Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information.
Kirkus Reviews
The problem with democracy is that it lets just about everyone have a say. Or so would go an inelegant rendition of Newsweek International editor Zakaria's more sophisticated argument, which is akin to those of, say, Samuel Huntington and Francis Fukuyama in the Big Idea school of political criticism. Briefly, Zakaria holds that some of the features we take for granted in democracy, such as universal adult suffrage, are recent innovations that overlie, and now threaten to obscure, far more important aspects of "constitutional liberalism--the rule of law, private property rights, and . . . separated powers and free speech and assembly." These ideals, "best symbolized not by the mass plebiscite but the impartial judge," are the true hallmarks of democracy, but they are not the ones that Americans, at least, think of when that golden term is uttered, and not the ones that are called to mind when the talk turns to spreading one-man, one-vote democracy around the world, which is a peculiarly American project. ("Think of it this way," Zakaria intones, "if France had been the world's leading power for the last century, would 18-year-olds wearing jeans in restaurants come up to you and say, 'Hi, I'm John and I'll be your waiter today'?") The rest of the world, and particularly the Arab and Asian quarters, is not much interested in this power-sharing ideal--which in any event, by Zakaria's account, so often tends to lead to the tyranny of the majority and "the erosion of liberty, the manipulation of freedom, and the decay of a common life." Zakaria's arguments are, of course, arguable, but they are interesting and provocative at the same time. His passing notes are more intriguing, culled fromstatistical tables and academic journal articles, on the material and political conditions required if a democracy of any kind is to endure: per-capita income and GDP above $6,000, an independent judiciary, an incorrupt central bank. A fruitful argument against the politics of "simple-minded populism," eminently worthy of consideration and debate.
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